Confucian Catholics?

The Chinese Rites Controversy

            The Chinese Rites Controversy is a fascinating episode in the history of Christian missions. It raised profound inquiries about the methods of inculturation or contextualization and questioned the extent to which human culture can be harmonized with the gospel of our Lord. To this day, there remains a sense of unsettledness surrounding the controversy. Pope Pius XII's reassessment in 1939 found its way into crucial documents of Vatican II, thereby setting the stage for Catholic missions in the 21st century.

The Apostolate of Father Matteo Ricci

           The controversy emerged following Jesuit missions in East Asia. The Jesuits, also known as the Society of Jesus, constitute a Catholic religious order founded by St. Ignatius of Loyola during the Counter-Reformation era. Ignatius structured his religious community on the conventional military disciplines and organization of his time, with all Jesuit brothers taking vows of allegiance directly to the Bishop of Rome. Their availability to the Pope and commitment to study and formation rendered them invaluable for missionary endeavors. Jesuit missionaries were known for their intelligence, dedication, and mobility.

St. Francis Xavier, once a classmate of St. Ignatius, co-founded the Society of Jesus. He became the first Jesuit to reach China, though he died just off the coast of the mainland on the island of Shang Chuan. Matteo Ricci was born in Italy in the year of St. Francis Xavier's repose, 1552. Eventually, he found his way to the Roman College, the Jesuit preparatory school founded by St. Ignatius of Loyola, to prepare for priestly ministry. Ricci studied under the tutelage of Fr. Christopher Clavius, a world-renowned mathematician and astronomer. Clavius' work on Helio centrism influenced Galileo and Kepler, and he is one of thirty-five Jesuits with a crater on the moon that bears his name. The most important contribution in Ricci's case was Clavius's development of the modern Gregorian calendar, used today as the standard for international dating.

After completing his education at the Roman College, Matteo Ricci embarked on a journey with his Portuguese Jesuit companions, voyaging around the Cape of Good Hope to reach the Far East. His first stop was in India in 1578, where he contributed to the Portuguese settlements along the Malabar Coast, engaging with the ancient St. Thomas Christian communities. Contrary to his later missionary pursuits, Ricci expressed enthusiasm upon discovering that the Indian clergy had adopted the attire of Portuguese clerics and incorporated aspects of the Latin rite into the Syriac rite, an ancient tradition existing in the region for nearly 1600 years by that time. However, in line with his future work, Ricci also criticized the mistreatment of Indians by the Portuguese and advocated for the inclusion of native Indians into the Society of Jesus.

He was then recalled from India to prepare for an inland mission to China. Arriving first in Portuguese Macau, Ricci noted that the Portuguese Jesuits were “holy but not useful” and ministered primarily among the Portuguese traders. In 1583 he and his companions moved from Macau inland and received permission from the local magistrate to settle in Zhao Qing, a major city in the Guangdong province. Zhao Qing is where the first records of Ricci's unique methods of inculturation begin to surface and warrant special attention. The Jesuits initially adopted the dress and style of Buddhist monks in the region, contextualizing their clerical dress. This strategy would garner feelings of familiarity and legitimacy while still indicating their position as spiritual leaders and teachers. They also began to learn the local dialects and the culture in which they were living. This strategy had been employed earlier by Fr. Alessandro Valignano, who led the Jesuit missions in Japan after the repose of St. Francis Xavier. Ricci recounts this period in his work History of the Introduction of Christianity in China:

[We] initially did not attempt to speak very clearly about our holy law. In the time that remained to [us] after visits, [we] instead tried to learn the language, literature, and etiquette of the Chinese, to win their hearts and, by the example of [our] good lives, to move them in a way that they could not otherwise do because of insufficiency in speech and for lack of time.[1]

While maintaining extreme discretion, they composed and disseminated basic catechisms in the local dialect formatted as a dialogue between a pagan and a Christian priest, as well as translated copies of the Ten Commandments. Ricci's decision to start learning Mandarin was strategic, signifying his awareness of local customs and his aspiration to minister to the educated class and court officials from the early stages of his time in China. Mandarins were high-ranking civil or military officials in the Chinese court. He transliterated his name into Chinese and created a world map leveraging his remarkable memory. Ricci's world map was distinctive, centering on China, contrary to the Western cartographical norm of placing Europe in the middle of maps. Notably, the Chinese term for their country translates to 'the middle kingdom.' This map illustrates Ricci's profound grasp of the culture he sought to serve and his efforts to embrace Chinese customs. Nevertheless, the map faced initial criticism from the Chinese who objected to the representation of China's size in contrast to the previously unknown countries. Fr. Ricci explained the care with which the map was made and explained the methods, in the process convincing many of the Mandarins. Ricci emphasized the significance of this event in transcending national pride and challenging the prevalent Chinese assumption that the rest of the world was barbarous with nothing to offer.

This was the most useful work that could be done at that time to dispose China to give credence to the things of our holy Faith. Their conception of the greatness of their country and of the insignificance of all other lands made them so proud that the whole world seemed to them savage and barbarous compared with themselves; it was scarcely to be expected that they, while entertaining this idea, would heed foreign masters.[2]

The mission proceeded to Shao Zhou in 1588, marking Ricci's initial interaction with Confucian Scholars and his more in-depth exploration of Buddhism. Their Buddhist robes began causing confusion among the Chinese, who struggled to discern whether the Jesuits were Buddhist or Christian. Complicating matters, both the Jesuits and Buddhists were fasting celibate clergy. When the Jesuits identified themselves as monks from India, it inadvertently confirmed the Chinese belief that they were Buddhist, resulting in misunderstanding.

In addition to these practical issues, Ricci's Confucian tutor taught him the Confucian classics and provided deeper insights into Buddhism. Due to their supernatural nature, Ricci discovered that Buddhism and Daoism were incompatible with the Christian gospel. Conversely, he came to regard Confucianism as a secular belief system rooted in natural law, not conflicting with the gospel. Consequently, the Jesuits exchanged their Buddhist robes for the attire of Confucian scholars. After this, Ricci fervently preached against Buddhism and Daoism while utilizing his enigmatic intellect to become a Confucian master. He dedicated the rest of his life to harmonizing Confucianism with Catholic theology, ethics, and natural law. This decision to integrate Confucian practices laid the groundwork for what would later become the rite controversy.          

Ricci all along had a goal of entering the imperial courts in Beijing's forbidden city, a goal which he finally achieved in 1598. He introduced western clocks to the imperial city with his knowledge of mathematics and astronomy. He could predict solar eclipses successfully with the aid of Fr. Clavius' Gregorian calendar. The Chinese concept of the mandate of heaven for the divine right to rule required the emperor to forecast meteorological events accurately. The extreme cultural importance placed upon timekeeping meant that, again, the indebted officials gave Ricci great honor and responsibility. The Chinese placed Jesuits in charge of ancient observatories. They also made themselves indispensable by being the only people with the knowledge of maintaining these clocks.

Additionally, during his time in China, he mastered the ancient memorization technique known as the memory palace. He was able to amaze officials with his retention and ability to converse in Confucian debates and classics. He was able to do so in fluent Mandarin and then, at times, recited backward in Mandarin to demonstrate proficiency. He was also able to tutor young officials whose entire careers depended upon passing strenuous exams to climb the social ladder of the Imperial courts. He also translated from memory, western philosophy, and Euclid's mathematics into Mandarin. These works were well received and stirred interest in the intellectual, philosophical, and religious traditions of the West. In 1605 he was able to establish the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception in Beijing, which still stands to this day. Ricci became respected and loved while preaching the gospel, though he never let his zeal move him to rash decisions. He wrote of his desire for converts, saying, "he wanted nothing more," but stated he was content with a meager harvest until God made clear it was prudent to preach less strategically, but he records one instance in which his enthusiasm got the better of him.

At a banquet, Ricci engaged in a debate with a Buddhist scholar. Discussing St. Aquinas' first principle from the five ways, Ricci inquired whether the Buddhist, who asserted the ability of all humans to attain enlightenment, could replicate the act of creating heaven and earth. The Buddhist responded affirmatively. Ricci then asked the man if he could do the same things as the creator of heaven and earth. The man replied yes, citing the belief that all phenomena are the manifestation of human consciousness. Ricci finally said he did not want to burden the man with recreating heaven and earth but asked him to create a new fire pot identical to the one present. The Buddhist protested that this was a ridiculous request, prompting an impassioned response from Ricci, emphasizing that one should not make promises one cannot keep. The two men were subsequently seated at opposite ends of the table.

By the end of his life in 1610, Father Ricci accomplished a remarkable feat: he became the sole foreigner ever to be made an imperial advisor. It is important to note that while many of Ricci’s efforts endeavored to present Europeans as educated to the Chinese, this did not hinder him from preaching; instead, these efforts always had for their end the reception of the gospel. His most widely disseminated work, The True Doctrine of God held immense significance.

[The] book through which Ricci exercised the widest and most fortunate influence was his "T'ien-chu-she-i" (The True Doctrine of God). This was the little catechism of Chao-king which had been delivered from day to day, corrected and improved as occasion offered, until it finally contained all the matter suggested by long years of experience in the apostolate. The truths which must be admitted as the necessary preliminary to faith — the existence and unity of God, the creation, the immortality of the soul, reward or punishment in a future life — are here demonstrated by the best arguments from reason, while the errors most widespread in China, especially the worship of idols and the belief in the transmigration of souls, are successfully refuted. To the testimony furnished by Christian philosophy and theology Ricci added numerous proofs from the ancient Chinese books which did much to win credit for his work. A masterpiece of apologetics and controversy, the "T'ien-chu-she-i", rightfully became the manual of the missionaries and did most efficacious missionary work. Before its author's death it had been reprinted at least four times, and twice by the pagans. It led countless numbers to Christianity, and aroused esteem for our religion in those readers whom it did not convert. The perusal of it induced Emperor K'ang-hi to issue his edict of 1692 granting liberty to preach the Gospel.[3]

Ricci's impact on China and the pathways he forged for the gospel cannot be overstated. Upon his repose, he and his Jesuit brothers were accorded the rare honor of being buried with imperial honors—a distinction no other foreigners ever received. Today, their graves, marked by headstones adorned with crosses, endure on a campus that once served as a training ground for communist party officials, a still standing monument to the respect an admiration he won in service of his Lord.

The Rites Controversy

After Fr. Ricci's passing, the Japanese Jesuits raised inquiries about Ricci's Mandarin translation of God. In 1615, the Vatican granted permission for liturgical rites to incorporate the vernacular languages of the East; Ricci was actively involved in this undertaking with the Mandarin language. Initially, reflected in The True Doctrine of God, Ricci favored the title 'T'ien chu,' meaning "Lord of Heaven." However, upon delving deeper into Confucian doctrines, he discovered that 'T'ien' (Heaven) and 'Shang-ti' (Supreme Lord) conveyed the same concept as the Christian God. Confucianism, primarily concerned with virtues and the proper structure of families, kingdoms, and societies, is often regarded as non-religious. Yet, this is a misconception.

Confucius, born around 550 BC, embraced the beliefs of virtuous Chinese of his era. Contrary to the belief that Confucianism lacks religious elements, Confucius intended to shape society in accordance with the principles embedded within these religious beliefs.

The religion of ancient China, to which Confucius gave his reverent adhesion was a form of nature-worship very closely approaching to monotheism. While numerous spirits associated with natural phenomena were recognized--spirits of mountains and rivers, of land and grain, of the four quarters of the heavens, the sun, moon, and stars--they were all subordinated to the supreme Heaven-god, T'ien (Heaven) also called Ti (Lord), or Shang-ti (Supreme Lord). All other spirits were but his ministers, acting in obedience to his will. T'ien was the upholder of the moral law, exercising a benign providence over men. Nothing done in secret could escape his all-seeing eye. His punishment for evil deeds took the form either of calamities and early death, or of misfortune laid up for the children of the evil-doer. In numerous passages of the "Shao-" and "She-king", we find this belief asserting itself as a motive to right conduct. That it was not ignored by Confucius himself is shown by his recorded saying, that "he who offends against Heaven has no one to whom he can pray."[4]

Ricci firmly believed that this term, T'ien, referred to the True God. The concept of subordinate spirits governing creation as emissaries of the one supreme God aligns seamlessly with traditional Catholic thought regarding angels. The absence of an intercessor before God was precisely the issue for which the gospel serves as a remedy. Therefore, these ideas would not have been contentious among the missionaries. However, some succeeding Jesuits disagreed, arguing that 'Tien' referred to an impersonal and material heaven, diverging from classical theism and the Catholic doctrine of God and therefore should not be used. The Jesuits eventually aligned with Fr. Ricci's original stance after further study. Modern sinologists have since vindicated the notion that 'Tien' and the Christian God (as known prior to special revelation) share near identical implications.

The more difficult question was raised by the Dominicans and Franciscans who had since started their own missions in China. This question surrounded the question of Confucian rites of ancestor veneration and the veneration of Confucious himself. During certain celebrations, food and offerings would be left at the graves of the deceased. It should be noted that to refuse participation in these rites would be career ending for the Mandarins. After much study, it was Fr. Ricci’s opinion that among the educated Mandarin class, these rites were entirely devoid of either religious or superstitious significance. It was his position that it was a demonstration of filial piety, a Christian virtue, and merely showed respect for the dead. With regards to Confucious, the rites were to thank him for his contributions to society.

The Chinese, he said, recognized no divinity in Confucius any more than in their deceased ancestors; they prayed to neither; the made no requests nor expected any extraordinary intervention from them. In fact, they only did for them what they did for the living to whom they wished to show great respect. "The honor they pay to their parents consists in serving them dead as they did living. They do not for this reason think that the dead come to eat their offerings [the flesh, fruit, etc.] or need them. They declare that they act in this manner because they know no other way of showing their love and gratitude to their ancestors. Likewise, what they do [especially the educated], they do to thank Confucius for the excellent doctrine which he left them in his books, and through which they obtained their degrees and mandarinships. Thus, in all this there is nothing suggestive of idolatry, and perhaps it may even be said that there is no superstition.[5]

Ricci clarified that it was not that none of the Chinese held superstitious beliefs about these rites; rather, the educated individuals he ministered to did not subscribe to such beliefs. Additionally, it is important to note within Catholic moral theology that burying the dead is considered a corporal work of mercy, and praying for the deceased is seen as a spiritual work of mercy. When evaluating the appropriateness of accommodating this practice, it is crucial to consider the specific Catholic beliefs concerning life after death. The central concern revolved around superstition; whether these practices aimed to gain favors or appease the ancestors' wrath or were equivalent with worship.

Initially, the accommodation of specific rites by the Jesuits deeply troubled the Dominicans and Franciscans. In 1638, seeking clarification, they urged the Bishops in the Philippines to submit a dubia or doubt to the Holy See. The Holy See, in response, decided against allowing converts to partake in the rites and officially rejected the use of the title 'Tien.'

It is noteworthy that all information about the beliefs and customs of the Chinese was sourced directly from the missionaries. The Jesuits maintained that their practices were not condemned, asserting that the practices and rites described by the Dominicans and Franciscans did not accurately represent the issue or the accommodation. In 1655, the Jesuits sent their own delegate to elucidate their practices, and the Vatican approved after this explanation.

Subsequently, renewed persecutions in China compelled the leadership of the orders—now also including Augustinians—to unite on a singular strategy. Father Ricci's initial positions were affirmed as the model in the official documents of their conference in 1668.

The conversation resumed in 1693 with the arrival of new missionaries dispatched by the recently established Missions étrangères de Paris a foreign missions apostolate dedicated to founding new churches in Asia. Their appointed leader was consecrated as the Vicar Apostolic, overseeing a missionary area without an established diocese, specifically in Fu Kien. The Vicariate prohibited...

Christians [from] participat[ing] in or assist[ing] at "sacrifices or solemn oblations" in honor of Confucius or the dead; prescribing modifications of the inscriptions on the ancestral tablets; censuring and forbidding certain, according to him, too favorable references to the ancient Chinese philosophers; and, last but not least, declaring that the exposition made by [the Jesuit envoy in 1655] was not true and that consequently the approval which the latter had received from Rome was not to be relied on.[6]

During the new confusion, the Vatican made a decisive decision, asserting that Chinese Christians should abstain from participating in the rites. To enforce the Church's discipline, a legate was dispatched with the authority to impose excommunication as a penalty. Initially welcomed by the emperor, the legate faced a sudden turn of events when it was revealed that his mission was to prohibit involvement in these rites. In response, the emperor expelled the legate from China and mandated all foreign missionaries to apply for a piao or license to preach the gospel, declaring they would uphold the ‘Rules of Matteo Ricci’ under the threat of expulsion. The license was granted to those who consented to the continuation of the rites.

Faced with this new development, the Bishops of China postponed their compliance with the Vatican's directives until they could secure a new verdict. Eventually, the awaited decree arrived, prohibiting the rites. However, in the interim, the bishops, along with the new legate, negotiated special permissions with the emperor. The controversy reached its conclusion with a papal bull annulling these permissions in 1742, though, by this point, the extensive efforts of Fr. Ricci had largely been undone. The emperors decree preceding the piao is more than illuminating.

Reading this proclamation, I have concluded that the Westerners are petty indeed. It is impossible to reason with them because they do not understand larger issues as we understand them in China. There is not a single Westerner versed in Chinese works, and their remarks are often incredible and ridiculous. To judge from this proclamation, their religion is no different from other small, bigoted sects of Buddhism or Taoism. I have never seen a document which contains so much nonsense. From now on, Westerners should not be allowed to preach in China, to avoid further trouble.[7]

Modern Implications of a Medieval Controversy

The relationship between the Vatican and China remained tense in the aftermath of the 18th-century controversies. By 1939, developments in both the thinking of the Catholic Church and practices in China led to the eventual lifting of restrictions on participating in certain rites. The question arises: what determines the acceptability of these practices at one time and not in another? It appears that these practices are either aligned with the true worship of God or they are not.

The Catholic Church has consistently held an optimistic, even dogmatic belief that faith and reason cannot be in conflict; rather, they should inform one another. The created order, reflecting the nature of the one Creator God, is illuminated by the God most perfectly revealed in Jesus Christ, who is also the Logos through whom, by whom, and for whom all things were made. The internal logic of the universe is the Logos, and there is no truth contrary to the one who is Truth. Consequently, the beliefs or practices of any nation, tribe, or tongue that align with the gospel may be retained and, ideally, celebrated as unique manifestations of God’s grace.

From a Catholic perspective, Confucianism, in many ways, corresponds to the gospel of Christ. Recognizing one sovereign Lord over heaven, striving for honest dealings, filial piety, and a virtuous society are seen as good and true. A rite that acknowledges these principles is not in conflict with the gospel but rather a manifestation of God’s grace in human society. Therefore, practices that honor deceased loved ones or great teachers attempting to live in harmony with the mandates of the one supreme God are good things. They may deficient, but they can be completed. If there is no belief that these rites in any way accomplish anything outside the sovereignty of God, then they are permissible.

Matteo Ricci’s practices of accommodation and the controversy that ensued centered around accurately understanding the underlying beliefs and assumptions of the culture he was trying to reach. In essence, this historical exploration underscores the dynamic interplay between cultural practices and religious principles, emphasizing the need for discernment and understanding as we navigate the evolving landscape of faith and tradition, throwing out what does not belong, completing what is deficient and baptizing that which is good and true and beautiful.

[1] "Matteo Ricci." Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Matteo-Ricci (accessed January 10, 2024
[2] J. Brucker, "Matteo Ricci," in The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13034a.htm
[3] J. Brucker, "Matteo Ricci," in The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13034a.htm
[4] C.F. Aiken, "Confucianism," in The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04223b.htm
[5] J. Brucker, "Matteo Ricci," in The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13034a.htm
[6] H. Cordier, "The Church in China," in The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03669a.htm
[7] Contributors to Wikimedia projects, "Chinese Rites Controversy," Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia, Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., March 4, 2003, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Rites_controversy