Trump, the Pope and ‘New TDS’

I voted twice for Donald Trump (in 2020 and 2024).

Before you think I voted for Hillary in 2016, I didn’t. I wrote in someone else (who I knew wasn’t going to win, of course). You see, less than enthralled a decade ago with either major-party candidate, I chose instead to “send a message” (admittedly an ineffectual one) at the ballot box.

But knowing beforehand my candidate wasn’t going to win at least spared me from disappointment in the outcome — an emotion often stemming from misplaced expectations. (It took me a few years to realize this; now, whenever I’m disappointed — in someone or in something — I’ve learned to try and see it from the perspective of my own inaccurate expectations.)

After Trump won in 2016 (to the great surprise of many), I was among the moderates expressing, “I didn’t vote for him, but let’s give him a chance.” Conversely, radicals, mainly on the extreme Left, proclaimed, “Not my President!” (and worse) — giving rise to the mental affliction known for the better part of the past decade as “Trump Derangement Syndrome” (commonly shortened to “TDS”).

My support (politically speaking) grew for President Trump during his first term. Then, from 2021 to 2025 (when he was out of office), my sympathy for him rose, too, due to the blatant lawfare waged against him, as well as the 2024 assassination attempt on the life of the ex-president.

Even so, I wasn’t necessarily a bona fide “MAGA” member; rather, my support for Trump largely was due to the obtuseness of his political opposition (especially in 2020 and 2024). For instance, the radical Left’s idolatry of abortion, open borders, DEI, LGBTQ+ and other extreme ideologies likely cost Democrats the 2024 election. While Trump’s coalition of backers (including a majority of Catholics) that year tended to disapprove of Democrat policies, many of Trump’s detractors simply despised his personality (that’s true “TDS”). The election’s outcome showed, somewhat reassuringly, in 2024 policy trumped personality.

Almost a couple years later (doesn’t it seem longer?), some former Trump supporters today align less with “MAGA” Republicans and lean more toward “America First” conservatives/populists. The group includes a few prominent past Trump backers whom the president brazenly ostracized — people such as Tucker Carlson, Thomas Massie and Marjorie Taylor Greene (among others), who comprised part of the coalition of disparate voters (including many Catholics) responsible for Trump’s 2024 election.

Some three-time Trump voters lately have been experiencing a newer form of “TDS”: “Trump Disappointment Syndrome.” It stems from the president reneging on a “no new wars” pledge (by launching, ostensibly at the behest of an ally, an unwanted Middle East war of uncertain value, unclear objectives and unknown outcome); high gas prices (leading to soaring costs for nearly everything else) and other failings. A recurring theme in social-media posts is: “I voted for Trump three times, but I didn’t vote for this!” (Recall what I said earlier about disappointment and misplaced expectations.)

Impact of ‘New TDS’ on 2026 Midterms and Beyond

Though President Trump is unlikely to admit it, his “MAGA” base is now a fraction of its size in 2024. Some pundits predict the 2026 midterm elections might already be a lost cause for Republicans. By 2028, Trump (probably) won’t be on the ballot; but can the now fractured Republican-voting coalition (including many Catholics) responsible for Trump’s ’24 victory be united — or is it already too late?

One thing’s for sure: Republicans need the support of Catholics (who aren’t immune to “New TDS”).

With Trump presumably off the ballot, it’s definitely possible Republicans can win back a majority of Catholic voters, particularly given that leading GOP presidential hopefuls include Vice President JD Vance (a Catholic convert) and Secretary of State Marco Rubio (a “cradle Catholic”). But they (and any other candidates, Catholic or not, who might enter the presidential race) must be savvy enough to embrace conservative values (even if it means bucking certain leaders of their own party and foreign influence); and, critically, to not engage in public feuds with the Pope (Trump’s recent tiff with the pontiff was one of the president’s biggest unforced errors).

Earlier, I mentioned the Left’s idolatry (abortion, open borders, DEI, LGBTQ+). But, I lament, President Trump and some of his most diehard supporters suffer, too, from idolatry (which Catholics are loath to embrace). Trump-worshiping tends to foment bluster, offensive social-media posts, a highly public verbal scuffle with the Pope and worse.

Something President Trump might not understand about conservative Catholics is their adherence to the credo: “God, Family, Country” (in that order). At its most basic, this can be interpreted as: While a president leads his nation’s people for part of their earthly existences, the Vicar of Christ is guiding souls to eternity.

Ultimately, which one is more important?

Thus, in a spat (albeit one overblown by the news media) between a president and the Pope, I think it’s obvious with whom most Catholics will side (unapologetically). If that wasn’t already clear to President Trump, it might’ve been a lesson he quickly learned: Don’t take Catholics for granted.

It’s not “un-American” to align with the Pope (an American one at that, lo and behold) here; and it’s OK to disagree with politicians on certain issues and still support them on others (behavior Trump himself would do well to emulate). So, I hope future Republican candidates learn from the president’s recent miscues and remember: You cannot win without Catholics.